Diosdado's environment marked governance key

■ The second most powerful man divides opinions into Chavismo.

■ He has played his pieces to overcome the complaints of corruption in his passage through organisms with large budget budgets.

■ Ministries, Autonomous Institutes, Banks, State Companies and Command Posts at the FAN have been allocated to promotional colleagues of the President of the Assembly in the last 14 years.

■ The president of Parliament has established himself as the second most powerful man in the country: he has connections with the military estate, the business world, the state bureaucracy and social movements.

■ Cabello is the most important figure of the Tomás Montilla promotion graduated in the Military Academy in 1987. Many of their arms colleagues, however, have also occupied positions of responsibility in the bureaucratic apparatus.

■ As of 1999, at least 30 of the 216 Subsencies graduated in 1987 together with Diosdado Cabello have rotated in positions with great political and economic power.85% of those promoted to Brigade Generals last year were part of this promotion.

Diosdado Cabello had a restless smile on Monday night when he appeared in the halls of the Miraflores Palace.He was a few steps behind the president Nicolás Maduro, who turned to give a pat on his back to the Venezuelan television cameras.At noon, the opposition had exposed a recording in which the presenter of the La Hojilla program, Mario Silva, described his illicit hair financing networks and his movements in the Bolivarian National Armed Forces to weaken Maduro."What interested are the real and power," summed up the voice attributed to Silva in a report that gave to a Cuban intelligence officer."There will be no way to divide Chavismo," was the hair response when asked about the news of the day.

Cabello, a central character of the plot of corruption and betrayals that exists after the racks of Chavismo according to the audio, became the second most powerful man in the country with the venia of the late president Hugo Chávez, who included him in his environment since it wasA young conspirator military involved in the coup d'etat of February 4, 1992 until he installed his revolution from the Executive."I have sailed under storms over 14 years and I had the best teacher to overcome," he wrote on Tuesday on Twitter.From very early he has managed to move with expertise both in civil and military waters.

But a quality has distinguished it: a privileged sense of orientation in the bureaucratic field that has led it to the first positions of government institutions with large budgetary items and with muscle for the hiring and execution of millionaire works.

Hair takeoff in public administration can be seen with greater sharpness if their origins are remembered. 18 years ago he barely managed a computer services company that worked for the Ministry of Education during the second government of Rafael Caldera. "We created the company and hired us as Outsourcing," confirms his former partner, Luis Valderrama, a captain retired from the army who also participated in the uprising against Carlos Andrés Pérez. By then both had closed an experience as officials of the Maternal Child Food Program that was under the command of another of the 1992 Asonada leaders: Francisco Arias Cárdenas. Lieutenant Colonel had decided to launch the Zulia Governorate and the fate of the elevations who worked with him did not look as promising as later it was for Cabello, who managed to become director of the National Telecommunications Commission, Minister of the Secretariat, vice president Executive of the Republic, President in charge, Minister of Interior and Justice, twice Minister of Infrastructure and Governor of Miranda before reaching the presidency of the Legislative Power.

Strategic positions:

None of his positions were as advantageous in the management of state funds as those he occupied in the period between 2003 and 2010. his passage through the office of public works and by the Mirandino government left a trail of complaints about irregular management such as executionIncomplete projects, the collection of overpricing or the constitution of companies of companies benefited by state contracts.Cabello has insisted on the lack of evidence by his detractors and to date he has not prospered any file in the opponent in the Comptroller General of the Republic, the National Assembly or the Public Ministry.

"I hope to adapt to this position ... I would like to be here for more than six months," Cabello said minutes after his sworn as a minister of infrastructure in January 2003.

Since 1999 he had occupied four positions in the high government thanks to the constant intakes that Chávez made in his cabinet.The Ministry was one of the key portfolios of the Executive: it had a presence throughout the country through 20 attached organisms that covered from the rural road to the operation of the airports.

In addition, they conferred a financial muscle: its allocation in the national budget grew by about 60% and exceeded the billion bolivars of those before.

On February 26, 2004, in the delivery of the memory and account, Cabello stressed that his office advanced five of the most important projects in Latin America, among which were the second bridge over the Orinoco River;The Metro system in Caracas, Valencia, Los Teques and Maracaibo, and the Tuy Valleys Railroad.

When Chavez appointed him as a candidate for the Miranda Government for the 2004 regional elections, Cabello made sure he left men of his confidence in the infrastructure area.His influence became evident in 2005, when the Ministry of Habitat and Housing and Luis Figueroa, friend of the youth hair and student leader of the UCV, was designated in the portfolio.

Son of a democratic action leader, Cabello had opted since adolescence on another way: to join the Red Flag Left Group - in which Figueroa also militated - in his high school in El Furrial, town of Monagas where he was born in 1963.

His experience in that organization made him a link with civilians who got involved in the 4-F coup.“I was in charge of communications.As a child he had shown great organizational capacity, ”says a source that worked along with him in the conspiracy.

Cabello returned to the Ministry of Infrastructure when he failed in his attempt to re -elect in Miranda before Henrique Capriles, whose team filed 17 complaints before the Prosecutor's Office related to the management of his predecessor.The current Vice President of the PSUV received at that time as minister the ports, airports and national roads, whose administration was reversed from the governorates to the National Executive in 2009. The construction of a road in Lara motivated a public reprimand of Chávez in November of that year, because the ministerial budget was almost double with respect to what Governor Henri Falcón handled: "Or they are falling to you, Diosdado, or Coba is falling to the governor."

Maduro, heir of the late president, has not been oblivious to bureaucratic chess: in the months he was as a manager, he replaced 30 officials with responsibilities in ports, airports, railroads and public construction companies, some related to the president of Parliament.

The endogenous right:

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— Food52 Thu Jul 12 16:30:50 +0000 2012

Hair has had to overcome the turbulent waters arising in Chavismo himself.In January 2008, Deputy Luis Tascón pointed him out as "Chief of the endogenous right", a term with which he described the power groups that the revolution used to profit.He denounced him in the National Assembly for irregularities in the acquisition of vehicles in minfra.The impasse ended with the expulsion of Tascón del Psuv after hair called him infiltrate.

With the death of the parliamentarian, the accusations ceased.

“That was a personal position of Tascón.We support Diosdado because he has taken important steps for the alliance with the parties of the revolution, ”says Erick Ramírez, of the current directive of a new revolutionary path, an organization founded by Tascón.

Cabello found other voices against: the tupamaros.They accused him of not representing the socialist project and were responsible for using his friendship with the official leader Lina Ron to cause armed attacks against them by the La Piedrita collective of January 23.After a three -hour conversation with José Pinto, general secretary of the Tupamaros Revolutionary Movement, Cabello even managed to support his candidacy for Parliament by Monagas.“As we saw that he was related to those people, we thought he had something to do with the attacks.But he clarified that he had no responsibility and thanks to his intervention, conversations were given between the groups, ”says Pinto.

Ascent and Enroque:

The National Telecommunications Commission was the first hair stop in the public administration."President, I want me to send for a foundation oriented to the protection of people or Conatel," Cabello told Chávez at a meeting in the vignette, hours after the electoral triumph of 1998. The scene is described by Luis Pineda Castellanos,Promotion partner of the Head of the State and participant of the coup, in his book he pays the devil.

Cabello - which had been a scholarship to study systems engineering at the Polytechnic University Institute of the Fan - premiered in the Government as director of the agency at a time when the country prepared to open its markets in this area and cease monopolyof the state Cantv.An investment of more than 2 billion dollars and a growth of almost 70% left the opening of the sector that drove hair.In two years, he delineated in the National Telecommunications Plan and started the draft Social Responsibility Law on Radio and Television.They were also the years of the first sanctions against the RCTV and Globovisión television channels.

His management gave him an image of a good manager, with the ability to articulate different sectors of the country. His appreciation today changes according to the glass with which he is evaluated. “His attitude of his is abusive and arrogant. He is vindictive. He presented himself with armed guards to the party meetings, ”says José Domínguez, deputy to the National Assembly for Monagas, former director of the PSUV in that state and ally of former governor José Gregorio Briceño, one of the greatest political adversaries of hair. Julio Chávez, deputy of the PSUV, considers instead that the leader has won affections because he is perceived as loyal to President Chávez. Gerson Pérez, of the Socialist Party We can, rescues his role as a working man: "He combines the ideological with the effective, going home and doing social work." Even today they remember him for the organization work he developed as soon as he left prison with groups in popular areas for the first Campaign of Chavez, with the youth of the MBR-200 and then with the Bolivarian circles.

Today many do not know whether to qualify as a nationalist, Bolivarian, Chavista or simply pragmatic to the man who from the presidency of Parliament denies the right of word and even the salary to the opposition deputies.Meanwhile, he hugs with President Maduro, smiles at the chamber and detracts from an audio that shook Chavismo.

The montilleros to power:

In 2007, the promotion of the Tomás Montilla army of which Diosdado Cabello was part prepared an anniversary party for the 20 years of his graduation.During the months in which their active and retired official members exchanged opinions about the celebration, some described the "body spirit" that linked the group, already macerated in the nickname of "Centaurs", the community of non -commissioned officers that Hugo Chávez and the commandersof 4F managed to capture to deploy their military conspiracy.

Alejandro Maya Silva, Colonel, was one of those who wrote in a blog of the group: “We constituted today the promotion with more retired professionals occupying very important positions in the public administration.Soon we can occupy wingspan in military controls, all this will allow us to further strengthen the security and defense of our great nation. ”

The projection of the montilleros as they call themselves- is in sight.As of 1999 at least 30 of its participants have held high positions in the office of the Presidency and in Ministries, Directorates of Autonomous Institutes, Banks and State Companies, among others.Last year, 85% of those promoted to Brigade Generals were "Montilleros", a step that touched them by seniority.This year they also form a good part of the list of candidates.

From the large promotion of 216 subtenants some dice of decline after the blow of February 4, 1992 Cabello occupied the position number 2. The position then revealed its conditions for military leadership and academic performance.The intricate power of power that the strong man of the PSUV has built within the Venezuelan State is based, to a large extent, in that promotion over its former arms partners and in the careful placement of related men in strategic areas of the government.

One of its central pivots has been Jesse Chacón, who assumed between 1999 and 2001 the positions of Secretary General and Director of Operations of CONATEL, regulatory body of the Communications sector.Accompanying hair in its passage through the public administration, Chacón has been the most multifaceted “montillero” in terms of positions, a list that reveals the strong areas in which the president of the National Assembly has placed his men: infrastructure, security, telecommunications, taxes and imports and presidency of the Republic.

Since he assumed the portfolio of the then called the Ministry of Infrastructure in 2003, a good part of the most important projects of the country under the administration of former classmates in the Military Academy.Health, housing and roads are the most visible areas in which a significant amount of public hiring of the Nation travels.The hospital area has been managed by Jesús Mantilla former Minister of Health and former President of the Social Security together with Carlos Rotandaro, José Pirela Vileoria, Julio César Avilán Díaz, Eligio Rondón and Alejandro Ramón Maya Silva.

In the development of housing, with emphasis on Miranda, after the passage of hair through the governorate of Miranda, Jorge Pérez Prado, Asnoldo Prieto Chacín and Pablo Peña Chaparro have directed.Autonomous Institutes such as the Urban Development Fund, the State Railway Institute and INAVI have been under the leadership of José Rodríguez Hernandez.Several of them are active military.

Another domain sector of the president of the National Assembly has been that of taxes and imports, through a nucleus of military training partners. After the nationalization of the ports in 2008 and the creation of the state -owned company Bolipuertos, attached to the Ministry of Infrastructure that was in charge of, the military has taken the customs that administer the country's trade: Puerto La Cruz and Guanta (Anzoátegui) La Guaira (Vargas) and Puerto Cabello (Carabobo). They also supervise the storage of loads and their destination. The control over this area has been insured from another key position: the presidency of Seniat in the hands of José David Cabello, his younger brother. The import of food has also been handled by the members of the 1987 promotion: Rafael José Coronado Patiñ state -related to agricultural foods and supplies.

The 1987 cohort has had a connection in the state bank, through Alejandro Andrade and José Jacinto Cabello.

They served as President and Research Manager, respectively, of an institution that has been dotted with corruption signs: the National Bank for Economic and Social Development of Venezuela (Bandes), which manages, among other resources, the Chinese fund.Andrade was also director of the National Treasury and Vice Minister of Financial Management of the Ministry of Participation and Social Development.Security has not been oblivious to the members of the promotion: Eliézer Otaiza has been director of the DISIP;Thomas Andrea Schwab Romaniuk was vice president of Cavim (in addition to president of the state company Vehicles Venezolanes S.A.);and Erling Perking Rojas (the first of the Tomás Montilla promotion) is nowThe presidency.

In his management in Conatel, Cabello opened the doors to several uniformed.Wilfredo Morales is one of them.In 2011 he served as president of the company Telecomunicaciones Grande Caribe, responsible for the project of the fiber optic cable between Cuba and Venezuela.

The links of the PSUV leader with military power also rest in the presence of the allies of their promotion in command positions.

Last year the montilleros reached the first level of the Generalato (Brigade Generals).Some of them have climbed positions in the hierarchy, such as José Rafael Torrealba Pérez, director of the Armored Maintenance Center of Valencia;José Luis Frontado Gómez, head of the Los Llanos militia region;Carlos Alberto Martínez Stapulionis, director of the Andrés Rojas Special Operations School in Fuerte Cocolo, (Sucre);Rodolfo Silva (director of the National Military Processors Center) and Henry Timaure (General Director of Military Public Defense).

By: Adriana riverairivera@el-nacional.comfabiola zerpafzerpa@el-nacional.compolitic |MILITAR OPINION |Fanbciudad |Caracase the National Domingo May 26, 2013